Monday, July 16, 2012

Boys' names


A WALK WITH UGANDA

A Series of conversations about Uganda in the independence era

BOYS’ NAMES

My Senior One class in 1967 had 29 boys and a girl called Susan.  Now, Susan is not an indigenous Ugandan name, it was what we then called a “christian name”.  The boys similarly had names like William, John and Steven.  All European names, though originally many were Greek or Hebrew.  The two Moslems in the class were Muhammad and Yakub.  The parents who gave us these names would probably have called you a liar if you had told them, truthfully, that Christianity actually did not require a non-African name for full membership in the Church, nor Islam an Arabic first name as one of the pillars of the faith.  The practice was by then firmly rooted in our culture.

In the religious civil wars of our great-grandparents’ day religion was not a private matter; it defined who you were and who you were allied with.  The names were thus badges of allegiance.  The Catholics, even as they do today, followed the tradition of naming children after saints.  The Protestants, for some reason, initially fixated upon the Old Testament of the Bible.  My great-grandfather was Alooni (Aaron); in his generation Noahs, Samsons, Gideons and Gabriels abounded.  Even in the 1960s old men called  Rehoboam, Methuselah,  Nehemia, Ezekiel or Malachi were to be found in every village.  By our generation the popular names were more contemporary.  Among the many Johns and Davids one would find boys named after the English heroes of the books then read in schools, such as Francis Drake and William Wilberforce.

As we moved out of High School a few lads, alloying adolescent rebellion with cool Pan-Africanism, threw away the non-African names.  Thus in our University years we noted, among others,  John Otunnu become Olarra Otunnu and Patrick Mbabazi become Amama Mbabazi. 

Had we all decided to throw out the non-African names some of our classmates would have been spared the trouble.  Many of them in fact, because at that time one of the most popular names was an African name, Aggrey.  My High School class had two of them and I am certain there wasn’t a classroom in any Ugandan Protestant school at the time without a lad named Aggrey.  How did this happen?
Dr. James Aggrey
The story started in the 1890s when American missionaries in West Africa sent a promising boy called James Aggrey to the US to train as a missionary.  Train he did, and he ended up with a doctorate.  He was a brilliant teacher and preacher and on return to Ghana he was appointed vice Principal of Achimota College.  It was in this capacity that an American philanthropic foundation, the Phelps-Stoke Fund, made him part of a group of experts they sent around Africa examining educational policy in the various British territories.  The Phelps-Stokes Commission arrived in Uganda in the 1920s and  visited, among other places, King’s College, Budo. 
 Aggrey electrified Budo.  First his presence as an equal in this group of white experts was a novelty ( this mindset is not totally dead, as an amateur photographer I have been on safaris in Uganda, Kenya and South Africa; being the only black face in the group of “men with huge cameras” I always get second, third and fourth looks).  Second he was deputy Head of Achimota, well known to Budonians as a sister school.  Third he had an insidiously subversive sermon.

Budo was then one of the main sources of Junior Secondary School Teachers for Uganda.  The boys who heard Aggrey’s sermon never stopped repeating it.  It was the story of the Eagle that would not fly.  Eridadi Mulira, a Budo student of the 1930s, came to address the school in 1968 and opened his talk with the story of Dr Aggrey’s Eagle.  In the story a farmer found an eagle’s egg and put it in his henhouse.  A hen incubated and hatched the egg, and raised the eaglet with her chicks.  The young eagle was raised as a chicken; it would look downwards to the ground, not up to the sky,  and would scratch for things to eat.  A passing traveler saw it and was intrigued.  The farmer told him the story and said “it was raised as chicken; it can never be an eagle”.  The traveler said “no, I can show it that it is an eagle”.  The farmer agreed to let him try but warned him that it was useless, it was raised a chicken and a chicken was all it could ever be.  

So every morning the traveler would take the eagle out on a cliff and hold it up in the air. “Eagle”, he would say,” look up at the sky and not down at the ground.  Do not scratch the ground, fly.”   For many days he said this to no effect, but finally the eagle looked up.  Once it saw the sky it never looked at the ground again; it flew away, free forever.  You, he would say to every audience in Africa, are eagles, stop looking at the ground, be free.

The Budo boys got the message very well.  They spread it whenever they went to teach, together with the name of the Ghanaian who preached it.  But more importantly, they applied it to themselves; they stopped looking at themselves as British subjects but as Africans who would be free.  The seeds of Ugandan independence were thus sown at Budo.  A group of teachers resigned en masse in the late 1930s and started a new school in this spirit; they called it Aggrey Memorial (Dr Aggrey died young, shortly after his visit to Uganda).  They did not stop there; one of these rebel Budo teachers was called Ignatius Musaazi.  He founded Uganda’s first political party with an explicit demand for political power, the Uganda National Congress.  To this day Musaazi is recognized as the father of Uganda’s independence, which makes Aggrey, a Ghanaian visitor, the grandfather.

Sunday, July 15, 2012

The Money


A WALK WITH UGANDA

A series of conversations about Uganda in the Independence era

THE MONEY
Before the onset of severe inflation in the 1970s the money commonly handled by ordinary people was coins.  Big heavy coins with a hole in the middle, now museum pieces.
The money was called by names that hailed from past decades.  The first currency used was cowrie shells from the Indian ocean, these arrived in the 1840s with traders from the coast and the word for small shells, “ensimbi”, became the word for money.  With the coming of British rule the currency of the nearest major British territory, India, was  adopted.  The Indian rupee was declared the official currency and the word “rupia” entered the language.  Cowrie shells in circulation were collected and exchanged for the new rupees.  The cowries were then publicly burnt.  A few remnants continue to be used to this day, chiefly as talismans by practitioners of indigenous religions.
The Protectorate government in the 1920s decided to start issuing its own currency and a currency Board was established, headquartered in London.  The East African Currency Board issued a common currency for Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika, British Somaliland (now the autonomous state of Somaliland) and Aden (now part of Yemen).  The Board kept reserves with the bank of England to assure that the East African currency was at par with Sterling.
A 100 shilling note issued by the East African Currency board.  Other notes were in 5 shs, 10 shs and 20shs denominations.  100shs was a lot of money and this was a rare note.  I distinctly remember the first time I saw one; I was ten years old.

 The initial currency unit adopted was the florin, one tenth of a pound.  This was an old British unit that was by then obsolete in England.  It was divided into 100 cents.  The half-florin was called a shilling, also known by its Swahili name of “ nusu,”, meaning half.  The florin was soon abandoned for the pound Sterling as the unit, divided into twenty shillings, which were in turn divided into a hundred cents.  

The old quarter-florin had somehow acquired the Swahili name “thumuni” (meaning one-eighth), this remained the name for the new fifty cent coin.  The Luganda version, obusimooni, entered the vocabulary as a popular term for money, joining Rupia and Ensimbi.  

The smallest coin in use was the old half-cent of the florin, now one cent; it was still called ‘waafu’.  By independence it had become pretty much useless due to inflation, but my father used to tell us how schoolboys of the 1940s from prosperous families would have five cents a week as pocket money.  The lucky boy could eat a popular snack at school daily, each mandazi or kabalagala costing one cent!

A shilling with a bust of George V

Five-cent and ten cent coins from the 1950s.  At a coin toss one would not call “heads or tails” but “ Crown or Tusks” (ngule or masanga).

 On the reverse of the coins  was a set of crossed tusks, and on the obverse a bust of the King or Queen, plus his name.  The oldest coins from the 1930s had the long titles of George V, King and Emperor of India. (Georgius V.  Rex et Indiae Imperator).  After Indian independence his son’s shorter title was Georgius Sextus Rex.  The Latin was abandoned in the 1950s for the mundane “Queen Elizabeth the Second”.  

Starting in 1965 the newly independent counties opened their own central banks and started issuing their own currencies.  The shillings in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania were officially at par, and were only exchanged by the central banks, till the advent of free-market currency exchange in the 1980s.  With the Ugandan economy going downhill after 1972 a huge chasm opened between the official and real value of the Ugandan shilling.

So who had this money?  Not everybody.  The majority of the population were subsistence farmers or herders with little cash earnings, even those who grew cash crops such as coffee and cotton were for the most part smallholders with small incomes.  Outside salaried jobs an income of 1000shs a year was quite unusual.  Unskilled work as a domestic servant, laborer or shop assistant rarely paid more than 30-60shs a month .  A new coffee pulping plant opened at Masaka in the mid 1960s, paying workers 3shs a day to wash coffee beans.  Putting in six days a week a laborer would earn about shs 75 a month.   This was big news; it was a very good income for unskilled work.   Europeans, then as now, were reputed to be generous employers for domestic work.

 Government was by far the biggest employer of those paid cash wages.  Governments budgets were tight, so salaries were generally modest.  The best salaries were in the senior levels of the public service, which was staffed mostly by British workers even in 1962.  To be able to hire staff in the UK salaries had to be substantially higher than prevailing Ugandan levels.

In rural areas the elite were the schoolteachers, salaries started at about 300shs a month for  the newly-qualified, an rose to about shs 600 for headteachers.  The best paid jobs were in the towns, and Africans were only starting to enter these jobs in the 1950s.  Entry level salaries for University graduates started at about shs1000 a month; these jobs also carried perks such as car loans, membership in a sports club and good quality houses at a fixed rent of shs 110 a month.  This rent in “senior staff quarters” was the same for a Kololo bungalow as for a  small cottage upcountry.

The highest salaries, those of the professors and top civil servants were about shs5000 a month, with a select few including the Principal of Makerere and the Chief Justice in the upper superscale at shs 6000 a month.  The fivefold spread between entry-level graduate salaries and the top was a cause for worry to economists of the day.  It was a carryover from the days when the most highly skilled staff had to be hired from Europe.  The economists who worried about inequality then would probably be astounded at today’s levels.  The spread between a new University graduate’s salary in today’s Uganda (about shs 300,000) and the top government salaries (over shs 30 million) is now a hundredfold!